UPDATED: MAR 26, 2008
PERFECTLY CAPABLE
TPJ has published a number of articles warning of the growing divisions within the Democratic Party and their consequences for recapturing the White House. Gary Pearce, a long time Democratic political consultant in North Carolina, has penned his views on the subject that cogently describes the situation:
Just like John Edwards’s “two Americas,” today we have two Democratic parties: the Obama party and the Clinton party.
If you want to know where this kind of split leads, read about Kennedy v Carter in 1980, Ford v Reagan in 1976 and McCarthy v Humphrey in 1968. This is a formula for defeat in November.
The longer the fight goes on, the rifts grow deeper, the feelings more bitter and the time for healing shorter.
Democrats are fractured along racial, gender, age and class lines. Obama gets most black voters; Clinton, most whites. Obama voters are younger; Clinton’s, older. Women like Clinton; men, Obama. The upscale “Starbucks” voters swoon for Obama, the Dunkin’ Donuts crowd soaks up Clinton.
If Obama gets “robbed” of the nomination by superdelegates, his acolytes will be angry. If women are “robbed” of their rightful time by misogynistic men, they will threaten to stay home.
It is a fairy tale that some Big Shot Democrat can sit the candidates down and resolve this. Like who? Howard Dean? Nancy Pelosi? Al Gore? Could one of them persuade Obama or Clinton to say: “Gee, you’re right; I should step aside and let Barack/Hillary be the nominee. Well played, old sport.”
While the negatives pile up on both Obama and Clinton – for convenient use by the Republicans in the fall – John McCain gets a free ride. If there was ever a fraud who deserved unmasking, it’s Maverick McCain, Mister Ethics and Integrity, Mister Stay-the-Course in Iraq, Mister Independent, Mister Closet Progressive, Mister Straight Talk.
For months, I’ve told my Democratic friends this is our election to lose. And I’ve told my Republican friends not to worry; we’re perfectly capable of blowing it.
Our fate will rest on how responsibly Sens. Obama and Clinton handle this situation.
_____________________________________________
UPDATED: MAR 23, 2008CONUNDRUM
Democrats face a conundrum; one that threatens the 2008 election. The gridlock between Sens. Obama and Clinton seriously threatens the viability of either candidate winning in November.
A Franklin & Marshall (F&M) poll this week exposes the potentially fatal split among Democrats. F&M asked this question:
If [FILL preferred candidate] does not win the Democratic nomination, who do you think you will vote for in the November election? Will you vote for [fill other candidate], John McCain, some other candidate, or will you probably not vote in the November election?
Hillary Clinton supporters (n = 228)
53% Barack Obama
19% John McCain
5% Other
13% Won’t vote
10% Don’t know
Barack Obama supporters (n = 126)
60% Hillary Clinton
20% John McCain
3% Other
3% Won’t vote
14% Don’t know
Democrats cannot likely win the Presidency without carrying Pennsylvania. Given the current responses of both candidates’ supporters, the intensity of the split among supports of both candidates makes it unlikely that the ultimate nominee can carry Pennsylvania.
In the meantime, Gallup Tracking has Sen. McCain edging into a national lead against both Sens Obama and Clinton as the divisions within the Democratic Party grow deeper:
|
Gallup Tracking (Obama) |
03/16 - 03/20 |
4377 RV |
44 (O) |
47 (M) |
4 (Other) |
McCain +3.0 |
|
Gallup Tracking (Clinton) |
03/16 - 03/20 |
4377 RV |
45(C) |
48(M) |
3 (Other) |
McCain +3.0 |
Democrats rationalize that once the Party’s nominee is selected, the divisions within the Party will heal and Republican performance in office over the last eight years will lead to victory in November. The rationalization is an illusion.
Larry Sabato, the Crystal Ball (a TPJ favorite), dispels the illusions by analyzing the arguments of Sens Clinton and Obama. Supporters of Sen. Obama contend that his candidacy will put more swing states and even some Republican states into play. Sabato believes such assertions are simply unfounded:
[T]he Obama consultants [advance] this argument: "Only Barack Obama has the potential to carry the Republican Red and competitive Purple States that he has swept in his march to the nomination." The hard truth is--and apologies to the Obama dreamers--most of those states are nearly or completely out of reach. As long as the November 2008 election is reasonably close, Obama is not going to carry any of the Southern states he has won in primaries so far. Virginia is the only possible exception, and the Republicans have chosen the one candidate in John McCain most likely to hold the Old Dominion to its forty-year GOP presidential voting pattern.
Nor is Obama going to win Alaska, the Dakotas, Idaho, Kansas (absent Gov. Kathleen Sebelius on the ticket--and even then it's a stretch), Montana, Nebraska, Utah or Wyoming. A sizeable majority of Red states will stay Red and Blue states will stay Blue this November, regardless of the identity of the Democratic nominee.
Sabato dispels the argument of Sen. Clinton’s supporters that only she can win the big states that are critical to the Democratic Party’s success:
The Clinton forces say, "Hillary has carried almost all the big industrial states that a Democrat must have in order to capture the White House, including California, New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Texas (the primary at least) and, coming up, Pennsylvania." As any experienced election analyst knows, any Democrat is going to carry California, New York and New Jersey, and probably Pennsylvania (unless John McCain puts former Keystone State Governor Tom Ridge on his ticket).
No Democrat is going to carry Texas. So Clinton's argument is essentially about Ohio. True enough, Ohio is an absolutely critical swing state that made all the difference in the 2004 presidential election. But would it be the one and only critical state for the second election running? Florida didn't repeat in that role from 2000 to 2004. And might Obama not win it anyway, despite a loss in the March 4th primary, given the marked shift to the Democrats noted in the 2006 midterm elections in the Buckeye State?
For Democrats who believe that the overwhelming turnout in Democratic primaries is an indication that the Party wins in November, Sabato observes:
The Democrats have at least double the GOP number of votes because there is far more enthusiasm on their side in 2008, and because the Democrats are taking longer to pick a nominee. The GOP contest was resolved early, thanks mainly to the Republican winner-take-all rule in most states and districts. This Republican practice contrasts starkly with the ever-so-fair--maybe too fair--proportional representation of the Democrats. (Isn't it remarkable that a candidate can win a big swing state by a landslide margin, and emerge with only a half-dozen delegate majority? Have the Democrats ever considered giving some bonus delegates to the statewide winner in each state? They ought to do so in the future.)
The total of 60 million for all the nominating contests sounds like a lot, until you consider that in November, perhaps 130-135 million Americans will cast a ballot. Who are the extra 75 million voters in the fall? Some are Democrats and Republicans who did not show up for the winter and spring preliminaries, but a large chunk--forty million or so--are "swing voters" who can vote for either side. This number includes pure Independents, as well as so-called "weak Democrats and Republicans", who often stray from their party's column. These 40 million swing voters will decide the contest in every single hotly contested state.
Therefore, the party nominating results tell us surprisingly little about how a state will vote in the fall. The winter and spring party contests are generally a reflection of the views of partisans, who usually are not representative of the broader electorate. It is also a grave error to assume that the Independents voting in party primaries are representative of the much larger group of Independents and Independent-leaning citizens who will show up in November.
With some 37% of Clinton supports unwilling to support Sen. Obama and some 26% of Sen. Obama’s supporters unwilling to support Sen. Clinton, add to the fatal formula the failure of negotiations to resolve the seating of Florida and Michigan Democratic delegates. Sen. Kerry won Michigan by only 165,437 of over 4.8 million votes cast. Failure to seat the delegates likely ensures that Florida remains uncompetitive for Democrats and provides Republican a powerful wedge to drive into the Michigan contest.
LOW NOTE
Bush’s approval ratings appear to be hitting another low note. Two new polls have been released since our last report; Fox/Opinion Dynamics and CBS. Both support the proposition that Bush’s approval rating is falling again.
Bush’s average approval rating is 30.75%, paralleling his all time low in TPJ’s analysis in July 2007 at 30.42% (red highlighted in the chart below). Conversely, Bush’s average disapproval rating to date in March is the highest TPJ has recorded, 63.88% (yellow highlighted in the chart below).
Additionally, CBS is the first pollster in March to find Bush’s approval rating below 30% (highlighted in green below). This is not the first CBS poll to find Bush below 30% and CBS polls tend to track Bush’s approval rating rather consistently below Bush’s average. The CBS low was 27% in January, 2008.
The CBS poll provides a clue as to Bush’s deteriorating poll numbers – 26% of Republicans disapprove Bush’s performance as President. Compare that to the 5% of Democrats who approve of Bush’s performance. Simply stated, Bush’s Republican base is peeling away.
At TPJ, we typically express confidence in trends based upon ten polls. Eight polls are now pointing to Bush’s further decline; we await the release of the next two polls.
|
CBS News Poll. March 15-18, 2008. N=1,067 adults nationwide. MoE ± 3 (for all adults). LV = likely voters |
||||||
|
. |
||||||
|
"Do you approve or disapprove of the way George W. Bush is handling his job as president?" |
||||||
|
. |
||||||
|
|
|
Approve |
Disapprove |
Unsure |
|
|
|
|
|
% |
% |
% |
|
|
|
|
ALL adults |
29 |
64 |
7 |
|
|
|
|
Republicans |
66 |
26 |
8 |
|
|
|
|
Democrats |
5 |
91 |
4 |
|
|
|
|
Independents |
27 |
62 |
11 |
|
|
__________
|
|
|
Approve |
Trail Mo |
Disapprove |
No Opinion |
Spread |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2008 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
FOX/Opinion Dynamics |
3/18-19/08 |
30 |
|
60 |
10 |
-30 |
|
|
CBS |
3/15-18/08 |
29 |
|
64 |
7 |
-35 |
|
|
CNN/Opinion Research |
3/14-16/08 |
31 |
|
67 |
1 |
-36 |
|
|
USA Today/Gallup |
3/14-16/08 |
32 |
|
64 |
4 |
-32 |
|
|
NBC/Wall Street Journal |
3/7-10/08 |
32 |
|
63 |
5 |
-31 |
|
|
Newsweek |
3/5-6/08 |
30 |
|
61 |
9 |
-31 |
|
|
AP-Ipsos |
3/3-5/08 |
30 |
|
66 |
4 |
-36 |
|
|
ABC/Washington Post |
2/28 - 3/2/08 |
32 |
|
66 |
2 |
-34 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
March Avg |
30.75 |
-1.81 |
63.88 |
5.25 |
-33.13 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
February Avg |
32.56 |
0.22 |
62.56 |
4.67 |
-30.00 |
|
|
|
January Avg |
32.33 |
-1.12 |
63.13 |
4.47 |
-30.80 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2007 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
December Avg |
33.45 |
0.85 |
61.82 |
4.45 |
-28.36 |
|
|
|
November Avg |
32.60 |
-0.50 |
61.81 |
5.59 |
-29.21 |
|
|
|
October Avg |
33.10 |
-0.07 |
60.90 |
5.90 |
-27.80 |
|
|
|
September Avg |
33.17 |
1.17 |
61.75 |
5.17 |
-28.58 |
|
|
|
August Avg |
32.00 |
1.58 |
61.67 |
6.33 |
-29.33 |
|
|
|
July Avg |
30.42 |
-0.43 |
63.50 |
6.08 |
-33.08 |
|
|
|
June Avg |
30.85 |
-2.38 |
63.23 |
6.00 |
-32.38 |
|
|
|
May Avg |
33.22 |
-1.70 |
61.33 |
5.56 |
-28.11 |
|
|
|
April Avg |
34.92 |
1.49 |
59.92 |
5.15 |
-25.00 |
|
|
|
March Avg |
33.43 |
-0.24 |
60.43 |
6.14 |
-27.00 |
|
|
|
February Avg |
33.67 |
-0.22 |
60.17 |
|||